ࡱ> ojklmnq@ RhbjbjFF',,KR jjj~fYfYfY8YZ\D~.](]"]]]˃ Մ\101Rj˃v^T]]%000<]j] 00h|j]] p X_fY\6*:|0:|MNM ~~Mja+t / aaa~~5B=$.~~B=Intellectual Property Rights, Anti-monopoly Law and Trade Frictions Japan- Korea Electronics Industry Friction in Reflection of U.S- Japan One in the 1980s Takuma Takahashi Professor, Graduate School of Accounting and Finance Chuo University, Tokyo An Abstract Intellectual property rights(IPR) is a system to promote knowledge origination by rewarding knowledge originators with the monopolistic power to market the originated goods for a certain period, while giving some concessions to the rights of late comers. However, as there is no law that gives incentives equally both to breakthrough innovation and follow-on innovation, the balance between IPR and the anti-monopoly law has been a source of headaches for governments. The other aspect of government intervention is trade friction. Thus, IPR, the anti-monopoly law, and trade frictions have long been natural parts of law and economics. At the advent of the age of information and knowledge origination the developed nations tended to expand and strengthen their IPR regime. The expansion of IPR is especially challenged when a certain innovation has strong network externalities. Although the PC-centric progress of the global ITC (information, computer and communication) industry in the past twenty years seems to have ended, the US-Japan high-tech trade frictions in the 1980s were especially severe in the PC-centric areas. Thus, the application of these laws was very much politicized. The change of the ITC industry from a PC-centric one to an industry based on ubiquitous information, has brought a gradual power shift in the so-called geo-economy from the U.S. to East Asian, since the producers of digital home electronics are concentrated in the East Asian area. So have the trade frictions moved to East Asia. While the major trade friction in the 1980s was between Japan and the U.S., that of today is between China and the U. S. In the 1980s the Japanese electronics industry, especially in the PC related sector, had serious trade frictions with the U. S. However, todays frictions seem to be between Japan and South Korea. I will examine the application of the IPR and the anti-monopoly law in the current Japan- Korea digital electronics industry frictions by reviewing and comparing the various aspects of the application of these laws during the U.S- Japan trade frictions in the 1980s Introduction: Korea Leads Japan in the electronics Industry In 1993 Samsung Electronics became the world largest manufacturer of DRAM chips as the result of Korean government involvement in enhancing the capabilities in processing the DRAM, following the same footsteps taken in the 1970s by Japan (Seo, 1995). At that time, the counterpart manufacturers in Japan took the view that manufacturing of DRAM on a big scale was an only choice for the South Korean companies, since they had to pay royalty fee of more than 10% (Takahashi, 1996). This attempt at mass production paid off because it shortened the development time by concentrating resources and because of higher through-puts achieved by adopting the standardized semiconductor manufacturing process. Contrary to this, Japanese manufacturers stuck to their own processes and produced a more expensive product which exceeded customers specifications even while Japanese semiconductor processing manufacturers offered their Korean customers standardized and efficient equipment. The Korean counterparts were able to undercut the Japanese DRAM producers who stuck to their diversified processes and delayed in bringing new products to market (Takahashi, 2001). While Samsung remains as the Worlds top in 2004, the only surviving DRAM manufacturer in Japan, Elpeeda, a joint-venture between Hitachi and NEC, dropped from the top 5 ranking. In many items other than DRAM, Korean manufacturers now lead their counterparts in Japan as seen Table 1, in which the company names in bold letters denote Korean companies. If the 3rd position taken by IBM is replaced by Lenovo, the table also reflects the change of the geo-economic structure in the ITC industry from the U.S. to the East Asia region. However, Table 1 Korean Electronic Manufactures Lead Japanese CounterpartsShipment Shares in 2003 ItemsWorld No.1No.2No.3PCDell 16.7 (1.7)HP 16.2 (0.4)IBM+ 5.8 (0.0)Mobile TerminalNokia 34.7 (-0.4)Motorola 14.2(-2.4)Samsung 10.5(0.8)LCD TVSharp 48.1(-13.0)Sony 14.9(7.6)Matsushita 13.1(3.6)Digital CameraSony 23.0(3.6)Canon 21.7(3.5)Olympus 15.0(-1.0)DVD PlayerMatsushita 42.5(-7.5)Philips 14.8(4.7)Pioneer 14.2(-4.0)Flash MemorySamsung 19.4(4.0)FASL* 15.8(-1.7)Toshiba 15.6(4.9)DRAMSamsung 28.6(-3.6)Micron 19.1(1.0)Infinion 16.3(3.6)TFT PanelLG-Philips 16.3(2.9)Samsung 16.3(1.2)Sharp 11.2(-2.2)Plasma PanelFujitsu-Hitachi 24.8(-5.4)Samsung 19.1(10.4)Matsushita 18.5(-3.6)*currently Spansion + currently Lenovo (Source) Nihonkeizai Shinbun (July26, 2004) Japanese names, which are also dominant in the table, are being overtaken by Korean names. Like the case of DRAM, the production of TFTliquid crystal panels used to be dominated by Japanese producers as they applied them to desktop calculators in the early days, to notebook PCs, and then to desktop PCs as time went by (Numagami,1999). However, the Japanese producers of TFT panels for both PCs and LCD TV screens have now been replaced by Samsung that stood at the top of the worlds largest producers in 2004. LG-Philips followed in 2nd place. In 2004 Samsung Electronics captured the top position in flash memory production, which is used heavily for mobile terminals and digital cameras, despite the memory, being invented by Dr. Fujio Masuoka of Toshiba. As an earlier licensee, Samsung has endeavored to produce flash memory very efficiently, taking almost the same strategy adopted in the cases of DRAM and TFT LCD panels. Furthermore, in 2004 Samsung SD and LG-Philips outperformed their Japanese counterparts in the production of plasma panels which are used as big screen TVs. and squeezed out the original developer of the plasma display panel, Fujitsu. In the case of LCD development Japanese companies successfully set up intermediate goals as described above. But in the case of plasma displays it was difficult to find such an intermediate goal due to the nature of the technology. However, Dr. Hiroshi Shinoda of Fujitsu had devoted almost his entire career since 1966 to this technology and muddled through internal struggles with management to develop the plasma panel. He succeeded in bringing out the first product in 1992 and color plasma in 1995. Therefore, Fujitsu has almost the entire basic patents. Without these basic patents, the production of plasma displays is impossible. Despite this fact, Fujitsu has managed this product poorly, mainly due to inadequate financial and marketing resources. Fujitsu turned over its plasma technology to a joint-venture with Hitachi in 1999. Thus, Korean electronics manufacturers have ascended the world rankings in global competition. The rise of Samsung is especially noticeable as it appears within the top5 in six items. To cope with this situation Japanese companies have brought cases against Korean counterparts to the courts, using strengthened intellectual property rights and other legal measures. This phenomenon is very similar to the situation in the 1980s, when the U.S.-Japan trade friction was severe. However, the question that we should ask is regarding the appropriate competition policy to promote innovation. In the case of the U.S. trade friction with Japan, the United States applied its anti-trust policy to promote innovation. I will examine the application of the IPR and the anti-monopoly law in the current Japan- Korea digital electronics industry frictions by reviewing and comparing the various aspects of the application of the laws under the U.S- Japan trade frictions in the 1980s Structure of this Paper I will raise interrelated issues (1) the balance between property rights and antitrust laws, especially when innovation is protected by its path-dependent nature due to network externalities, (2) the relevance of government intervention in both innovation and trade friction in high tech areas. I also will examine different types of R&D organization in the age of digitalization. In the next section, I will review the literature regarding the relationship between innovation and intellectual property rights in the digital age. I will discuss especially network externalities, modularity, and expansion of IPR. Following this, I will take up the case of the TRON project as a symbol of US-Japan trade friction in section 3. In section 4, I will take up the paradigm change in the ITC industry from a PC-centric society to the ubiquitous information society, and its implication for network externalities in order to understand the different backgrounds for the two different set of trade frictions over some three decades. With these preparations I will discuss, in section 5, skirmishes between Japan and Korea in the first decade of the 2000s in comparison with those between the U.S. and Japan in the 1980s. In the final section, I will discuss the application of intellectual property rights and anti-monopoly laws in the East Asian region. I will conclude that trade frictions will hammer out the shape of new laws in relation to intellectual property rights in this region. Intellectual Property Rights to Promote Innovation Innovation under the Globalization of Competition Policy It is now an accepted view that our economic development is dependent on innovation (Romer, 1986, 1994). I have been advocating that we are living in the age of information and knowledge origination. The new age requires every company to originate new ideas and knowledge. In other words, without this origination, the company can hardly survive. Therefore, we see the development of a global economy really depends on progress in science and technology and on the commercialization of discoveries and innovations. In order to promote innovation, the United States groped for suitable policies, and adopted, among other things, measures to strengthen intellectual property rights (IPR) in the 1980s. Japan followed suit in the 1990s. Intellectual property rights is a system to promote knowledge origination by rewarding knowledge originators by giving them monopolistic powers over the originated goods for a certain period, while giving some concessions to the rights of late comers. In the 1980s the United Sates expanded and strengthened its intellectual property rights relating to breakthrough type innovation through such measures as the amendment of the Patent Law in 1984. The U.S. introduced the Semiconductor Chip Law to protect the circuit design of chips. The U. S. Congress has included the code that makes up a computer program within the scope of copyright law. Copyrights used to have two aspects: ideas and expressions, but the U.S.A. adds the usefulness aspect by introducing non-literal items. Thus, the structure of IP rights has changed from the flat territory to the triangular cone (Figure 1). Figure 1 Expansion of Patentable Area and Their Territories  0 0000000000000000000000000#Usefulness 00Patent Rights 000000 000000000000000Incentive Steps!0000 00Aribitrating I. !000000000000000000 "Knowledge-originating I. 0000000Copy Rights 00000 00000000000000000000000000000000000000000 000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000%Expression 0000000000000000000000000000 000000# 0000000000000000 0!0000000000" 000000000000000000000000%000 Source Takahashi (1995) The expanded IP rights now protect microbes (they must be deposited), new species of plants (made by asexual reproduction), and even mathematical solutions, such as the linear planning method for optimal allocation of resources filed by AT&T. However, there is a widely held suspicion whether strong IP rights bring more innovation or not. In other words, the IPR may bring a monopoly distortion going beyond the tradeoff between an incentive for creation and monopoly, if IPR is too strong. In this connection, we have to recognize that innovation may take two forms: breakthrough and follow-on. A follow-on innovation or an incremental innovation can be depicted as following along the expected path of technological development, while a breakthrough innovation shifts technological development onto a new path (Figure 2). In the U.S., the doctrine of equivalence especially broadens the scope of innovation. The US Court of Appeal for Federal Circuit (CAFC) has applied this doctrine to all patent cases which had used since the ruling in Grover Tank and Manufacturing Col vs. Linde Air Products of 1950. The doctrine of equivalence has two dimensions: one is to expand protection spatially to apply to other similar cases, and the other is to expand time horizons, or a doctrine of chronological expansion, which will take in future technological development in the rights. The notion of specifying the core means to take into account the future passage of technological development as described in Figure 2, Figure20Breakthrough or follow-on: New Path for New Technology ! V000000000000000000000Path for New Technology a l u e 0 Limit of Physics 00Path of Technology 0 0!Time (Source) Takahashi (1992) and protect it. Thus, broadly defined patent rights protect the expected path of technological development. In the case of industries governed by network externalities, compatibility among the technologies in one generation (horizontal compatibility) carries over to the next generation, thereby contributing to the path-dependency of technology developments (Shapiro and Varian, 1999). By the same token, if customers are locked into certain products, protection of intellectual property rights will easily confer hold-up value, or excess valuation over the intrinsic value of a product, and deter follow-on innovations. This kind of discussion has become popularly associated with the existence and strength of network externalities, especially in communication and high-tech industries. This kind of feature has been especially strong in the case of PC-related technologies. Digitalization and Network Externalities The new age of information and knowledge origination has a different aspect when comparing it with the past. That aspect is digitalization. If new ideas and knowledge are digitalized, new ideas and knowledge are easily copied. Therefore, the company has to endeavor to produce other new ideas and knowledge. Digitalization has also brought about a new environment for manufacturers, an open architecture or modularity. That is to say, modularity in design creates a new set of modular operators, which open up new pathways of development for the design as a whole (Baldwin=Clark, 2000). Henderson=Clark (1990) show that the innovation system in modularity could be shown as matrix of innovation of architecture and innovation in each module, or innovation of strategic components (Figure 3). The invention of the IBM-compatible PC may be placed in box of change in architecture x breakthrough in modularity, or leapfrogging innovation in Figure 3. But some emphasize the role of the architecture in the innovation, while others put stress on innovation in the module For example, Ferguson= Morrison (1993) considered the development of the IBM compatible PC as the victory of architecture. On the contrary, I identified it as a victory of the management of strategic components (Takahashi, 1991). A strategic component is defined as a component that at the same time is considered as a product, such as Intels MPU or Microsofts OS. Alternatively it may be defined as a component whose cost comprises a substantial portion of a product and which defines the characteristics of that product (ibid p.87). I am intending to highlight the concept of strategic components as a better management focus for the digital age than core competence, arguing against the implicit expression of the companys capability by core competence. I have advocated the management of a strategic component, because the production of strategic components should be concentrated on, rather than assembled products, to reduce cost due to scale economies which is inherent in architecture innovation. While Baldwin=Clark identify that a modular design is a portfolio of options which has Figure 3 Strategic Components and Architectures Area of Architectures no change 00change Area of Strategic Componentsfollow-on Incremental InnovationArchitecture Innovation breakthrough Module InnovationLeapfrogging Innovation Almost equivalent to disruptive innovation defined by Christensen et al. (2003) Source Slightly modifying Henderson and Clark (1990) more value than an option on a portfolio, they seem to fail to show the directions of module designs. They, however, rightly assert that designers will seek to increase the net option value of their designs or that the option value of all the module operators is denoted by their market capitalization of them. On the other hand, a strategic component shows intuitively the direction of product development as Figure 2 depicts. Sticking to the closed architecture, Japanese companies have failed to respond to the movement towards an open architecture or modularity. However, another aspect of strategic components is similar to de facto standards, although a strategic component represents a commercialized product rather than a mere de facto standard or a research output. A de facto standard in turn strengthens its position by network externalities. In the PC-centric age, dominance over personal computing technology by the Microsoft OS and the Intel MPU, or Wintel has been strengthened due to the network externalities. Thus, Japans initial failure to respond to the digital age has caused the decline in the competitiveness of its high-tech industry despite the recovering efforts by Japanese players. The concept of network externalities was introduced by Michael Katz and Carl Shapiro in their seminal 1985 paper in the American Economic Review. They define the concept: "There are many products for which the utility that a user derives from consumption of the good increases with the number of other agents consuming the good." Elaborating they add, "[T]he utility that a given user derives from a good depends upon the number of other users who are in the same network." The concept has been applied in the literature of path dependence. The literature of path dependence, both theoretical and empirical, contains a number of claims: Paul David (1985) tells the story of the QWERTY keyboard as a clear example of market failure. Brian Arthur (1989, 1990) cites as examples of this inefficiency the QWERTY typewriter keyboard (1989), the internal combustion engine (1989), and the VHS video-recorder (1990). Since these arguments on network externalities, and path-dependence, were largely associated with new, high-tech industries, it seemed to have been believed that such industries experience problems that are different in character from the problems that have, for more ordinary commodities, been solved by markets (Katz = Shapiro 1985; Farrell= Saloner 1985). The ideas of a network and path dependence, however, embrace far more than the physically connected examples of computer networks and telecommunications systems. Therefore, Liebowitz=Margolis (1994) assert the concept of network externalities should be elaborated and purified. First they advocate using network effects rather than network externalities, as network externalities will disappear if the owner of a network is able to internalize such network effects. Pure network effects come from synchronized behavior of consumers. Network effects are different from Leibenstein (1950)s bandwagon effects in the sense that the latter is derived from anomic behavior of consumers rather than synchronized behaviors. Secondly, they demonstrate that the consequences of internalizing direct and indirect network effects, which Katz and Shapiro (1985) introduced, are quite different. Indirect network effects generally are pecuniary in nature and therefore should not be internalized. Pecuniary externalities do not impose deadweight losses if left un-internalized, whereas they do impose monopoly losses if internalized. Katz and Shapiro (1994) seem to agree on these points. While they assert that network ownership is most effective in overcoming network externalities if the network sponsor captures some of the benefits derived from a larger network, they list strategies to attract users of networks ranging from a coercive public goods approach to coordination among participants. The public goods, in Samuelsons definition (1954), are available for use by all and use by any one economic actor does not reduce the amount available to others. It is, therefore, very natural that the concept of network externalities has also played a role in the literature of standards, de facto or de jure, where a primary concern is the choice of a correct standard (Farrell and Saloner 1985, Katz and Shapiro 1985, Besen and Farrell 1994). Re-examining theories and cases like de facto standard competitions between VHS and Beta, Liebowitz and Margolis claim that synchronization is distinguished from the ordinary scale effects on production costs. Scale economies in the production phase are neither necessary nor sufficient for the existence of benefits of standardization, which is to say that synchronization effects may co-exist with increasing, decreasing or constant returns to scale. Then, they declare among other things that (1) where a new standard is clearly superior to the old, there is every reason to expect that the new standard will overtake the old and replace it, and that (2) due to diversity of tastes among consumers, firms have a good chance to find market niches not well covered by the incumbent standard and eventually to draw customers away from the incumbent (Liebowitz and Margolis, 1995, 1996). They do not favor the opinion that a network acts so much akin to public goods as they view the public achieving heterogeneous tastes. While these assertions by Liebowitz and Margolis stand at odds with prevailing literature on standards, Katz and Shapiro (1994) leave the reservations, saying that research should be done on the exploration of the dynamics of standards adoption and on the linkage between hardware and software. Shapiro and Varian (1999) further claim that standards have shifted competition from a winner-take-all battle to a more conventional struggle for market share, from the present to the future, from features to prices, and from systems to components. The Role of Anti-monopoly Laws in the Innovation System Patents allow originators of breakthrough-type innovations a certain monopoly to encourage such efforts. But, as Scotchmer (1991) argues, when patent law does not provide adequate incentives to breakthrough and follow-on technological innovation, it should be counterbalanced with antitrust action. How should we strike a balance between the innovation incentive and monopoly by structuring the incentive system for follow-on innovation? Romer warned that allowing strong property rights over non-rival goods would lead to inefficiency and lost opportunities for incremental technological progress (Romer, 2002). Similarly, economists tend to argue that the balance should lean toward viewing inventions as public goods rather than protecting them as intellectual property when they are made on the basis of accumulated knowledge. Americas antitrust laws were born out of the Industrial Revolution, responding to the ordinary peoples fear of bigness and have evolved into the rules for fair competition in the society. The law and economics phase of the evolution began in the mid-1950s led by such scholars as Robert Bork, Richard Posner, George Stigler and many others, and was conducted almost entirely in the courts to the extent of the revolution in the anti-trust laws. Simplistic doctrines relating to market structure were replaced with sophisticated analyses of potential competition, contestability and innovation. Allegations of predatory pricing were recognized for what they so often arecomplaints by less efficient producers about being under-priced by their competition (Eisenach, 1999). It is true that the antitrust law is only one of range of measures to promote competition (Carton and Gertner, 2002) Still. the anti-trust laws have become, it is claimed, applicable for the digital economy and played an important role to promote competition and innovation. The replacement of the Harvard Schools view of antitrust laws by the Chicago Schools has become the property of the global society, as each government of a free economy adopts sound economic analysis into anti-monopoly policy. In this sense, competition policy has been globalizing. However, the industries of each economy have been thrown also under the aegis of global competition. Some industries of a certain economy may suffer from this global competition. Generally, these signs are read to change the industrial structure to fit to the global markets. However, if the industry is one of the key industries of a certain country, the government may not leave it to fall victim to global competition, like the current case of the airplane manufacturing industries in both the U.S. and EU. Japan Followed the U.S. in Strengthening Intellectual Property Rights U.S-Japan trade frictions were colored by the various aspects of intellectual property rights as the U. S. expanded and strengthened IP rights in 1980s. The turnaround in the U.S. attitudes toward intellectual property rights came in 1982, when the CAFC was created. Under the Omnibus Trade Law of 1988, Article 271 of the Tariff Act of 1930 gave the power to the U. S. International Trade Commission (ITC) to impose a de facto ban on imports which are suspected to infringe on US patents. Advocating the restoration of U. S. industrial power, the Young Report of 1985 showed the flag to urge both U.S. corporations and the academic world to cope with the foreign competition, especially with Japan. The Bayh-Dole Act enacted into law in 1984 has been instrumental in promoting academicindustry co-operations. Launching the Science and Technology Basic Plan, which was formulated in 1995, Japan followed suit. The Basic Plan advocates that Japans science and technology policy should aim to strengthen the competitiveness of industry by reforming the industry-government research cooperation nexus. If this is Japans version of the Young Report, it lagged about ten years behind the United States. But the time lag should be something like 15-20 years, as this plan was just a beginning rather than a wrap-up report, as was the Young Report. Following this agenda, a series of laws have been legislated. In 1998, the Promotion Law of Technology Transfer from Universities, etc. (the so-called TLO Law) was officially enacted. Technology Licensing Offices (TLOs) have been created and financially supported for the first five years. The 1999 Law on Special Measures for Industrial Renovation is called the Japanese version of the Bayh-Dole Act. As late as in 2003, the revision of the Tariff Law was enacted as a compromise between the Ministry of Treasury and the head quarters of the Intellectual Property Promotion Office, which tried to exercise the same power as in the U.S. ITC in the 1980s. The Ministry of Treasury was particularly reluctant to accept such revisions. In the U.S. case, the ITC was given broad authority to investigate alleged unfair imports. It is required to produce a decision within one year after the start of an investigation, but in practice investigations were often carried out by inexperienced staff members who were just out of law schools and were not versed in the industry situation. Thus, temporary exclusion orders were issued easily. Japans Treasury Ministry considered the ITC model did not work well in the free trade age. Thus, Japans Tariff Office doesnt have such power. TRON Project as a Symbol of the US-Japan Trade Frictions in the 1980s Before discussing the Japan-Korea high-tech trade friction, I would like to review that between the U. S. and Japan by taking up the TRON (for the Real-time Operating-system Nucleus) project as a symbol of the high-tech trade friction in the 1980s. The TRON operating system (OS) is the most used micro-OS in the world today. It is used in mobile terminals, home electronics instruments, cars, and other machines. It is estimated that an average household in Japan uses some 30 TRON OSs. Thus, TRON OS is considered as the most prominent OS for the age of the ubiquitous information society. However, the story of the original TRON project as Japans attempt to create a standard to rival the dominant OS and MPU of the IBM-compatible became a symbol of the US-Japan electronics trade friction. When the US Trade Representative (USTR) pressed by using the Super 301 powers, the project collapsed. The Beginning of the Project and Its Aims Japans TRON project, begun in 1984, after the Architecture Study Subcommittee of the Japan Association of Information Processing Development in 1979-81 proposed a practical project to extend traditional computer architecture. Ken Sakamura, then assistant professor at Keio University, advocated the project by proposing an easier-to-use PC operating system based on the idea of ubiquitous computing, by which he meant that computers would be installed as controllers in every machine and piece of equipment. It aimed to create a standard of ubiquitous computing to rival Wintel (a combination Windows and Intel) in the sense that this attempt was done during the time Wintel was in its cradle. Wintel came to the fore only in 1981 after IBM launched its personal computer during the wave of computer downsizing. Adopting an open rather than closed architecture, the IBM PC used both the Microsoft OS and the Intel MPU. Neither Microsoft nor Intel initially perceived the real significance of their fortunate selection from among numerous other Silicon Valley ventures to supply parts for the IBM PC. It took some time before the two companies came to realize that they were in the drivers seat for the development of follow-on PC models. Wintels accession occurred soon after the launch of Intels 386 chip in October 1985. Profits for Microsoft and Intel have soared and management and employee compensation has been phenomenal. IBM had placed its confidence in controlling the architecture, based on the secret to the BIOS (basic input/output system). However, while Wintel became the de facto industry standard, IBM, which had advocated System Network Architecture (SNA) as a ubiquitous computing environment, became simply one of many so-called IBM-compatible PC manufacturers. Many companies jumped at the TRON project because they rightly or wrongly perceived a potential need to unify their separate speculations. In the early to mid 1980s there was no unified control OS for industrial and consumer uses. In that sense, the words ubiquitous computing sounded like music to the industry's ears. The overall TRON Project involved five sub-projects, each of which sought to provide strong human-machine interface for workstations. BTRON Business TRON, OS for PCs and workstations ITRON Industrial TRON, OS for industrial appliances CTRON Communication and Control TRON, OS for communication TRON chips MPUs for the three TRONs above MTRON Micro TRON for comprehensive use supported by OS and chips The OS developed under BTRON and the G-micro MPU developed under MTRON were expected to produce a machine that could compete with IBM computers. Unfortunately, CTRON was formed before there was any indication of the coming Internet age and so it was not developed to interface with the Internet (Figure 4). In February 1988, four years after launching the TRON Association in February 1984, the TRON Council, a non-profit consortium of several electronics industry companies was formed with Figure 4 Goal of the TRON ProjectUbiquitous Computing  EMBED Word.Picture.8  (Source) Takahashi=Namiki (2003) Sakamura as the overall technical advisor. As the project intended to replace the PC architecture in which U.S. companies were leaders, it inevitably attracted the attention of IBM, Microsoft and Intel as well as the U.S. government, which was supporting these companies in a bitter trade dispute with Japan over semiconductors. The TRON project was organized carefully against this background. First, it was created as a purely private-sector project. Sakamura took pride in receiving no subsidy at all from MITI. Secondly, from the outset of the TRON Council one of the basic policies was that it be open. In addition to including Prof. Harrison of the University of California at Berkeley as a technical advisor, the Council solicited foreign companies to join and it counted Motorola, Siemens, and Ford among its 142 members. USJapan Semiconductor Dispute and the Progress of TRON The changing competitive situation with the US industry gave Japanese electronics companies reasons to cooperate on the TRON project, even though it lacked the support of MITI. The Japanese industry had been outpaced in the global market by Intel and Microsoft, and it had allowed NEC's PC-9800 to attain an unrivaled position in the domestic market. The Japanese electronics industry had been slow to respond to the rapidly developing trend toward downsizing and open architecture and Japanese semiconductor makers continued to look on closed-architecture, mainframe computers as their benchmark product. When mainframe computers were dominant, Japan's capacity to produce DRAM put it in a strong position because the supply of memory was relatively limited compared to the computing capacity of software. With the emergence of the smaller PCs, it was computing capacity in the form of semiconductors or MPUs, which was in short supply, but the Japanese industry was still focused on DRAM memory. It as true that IBMs move to open architecture for its PC strengthened the position of U.S. providers of OS, such as Microsoft, and strategic components, such as Intel, against the Japanese industry. However, Intel was not able to establish supremacy in MPUs because of its limited production capacity. Intel licensed four Japanese chipmakers (NEC, Fujitsu, Mitsubishi Electric, and Oki Electric) as second-source producers of its 8086 chips (16-bit MPUs). Thanks to the second-source contracts, Japanese makers increased their market share of micro-components (micro-controllers and micro-processors) from 33 percent in 1981 to 44 percent in 1986, matching their share of DRAM chips. This situation ran against the interests of Intel and of the United States economy, and between 1981 and 1986 the U.S. position toward the Japanese makers shifted. First, to limit the ability of Japanese companies to benefit from their lower manufacturing cost Intel decided to restrict licensing its MPU technology and to improve its own production capability. It signed only one Japanese maker (Fujitsu) as a second source for the production of 80286 chips (16-bit MPUs) that had started in 1982. After this, Japanese manufacturers began to fall utterly behind in MPU technology (Takahashi et al., 2001). Second, Intel also began to lobby the U.S. government to enhance protection of semiconductor designs. In response, the U.S. enacted the Semiconductor Chip Protection Act in 1984 (Jackson, 1997). The U.S. government also took advantage of a jurisdictional conflict between the Ministry of International Trade and Industry and the Ministry of Education to get a similar law passed in Japan. In 1985, the Japanese government passed the Act Concerning the Layout of Semiconductor Integrated Circuits, which had almost the same content as the U.S. law. This joint strategy of the American government and the U.S. semiconductor industry to keep Japanese companies out of MPUs influenced Japanese makers to sign on to the TRON project, which was taking shape at the same time. NEC, Toshiba, Mitsubishi Electric, and many others hoped that participating in the TRON project would lead them out of this situation of powerlessness. NEC had started developing its own V-series MPU, which maintained compatibility with Intels 8086 by using common command sets, and announced the 8-bit V20 and 16-bit V30 in 1984. In addition to being compatible with the 8086, however, the V30 was faster and more powerful than Intel's MPU (Methe et al, 1997). This prompted Intel to file a suit in U.S. court in 1985 against NEC for illegal use of its micro-code (the nucleus of the MPU) and to demand suspension of imports. Although the dispute was finally settled in favor of NEC in early 1989, it nevertheless proved to be the downfall of NECs MPU effort. Prohibited from using Intels micro-code during the four-year duration of the suit, NEC had to include the 80286 chip along with its V30 chip in new PCs in order to make them compatible with past software. Thus, the suit effectively closed off external sales routes for NEC's V-series. Intel succeeded not only in keeping NEC away from the mainstream of the MPU, but also in confirming that its micro-code was eligible for copyright protection. NEC was pushed to join the TRON project, remodel its V-series chips, and ship the TRON/86 PC which supported TRON V/20 and V/30 in 1984. In attempting to take over Intel's market, Toshiba initially considered making chips for IBM-compatible PCs. Although this was technologically feasible, however, the company give up this approach because of the laws protecting semiconductor circuit designs adopted in 1984 and 1985 by the United States and Japan. Under the new laws, in order to be able to prove that it had not made any reference to Intel's micro-code in developing its own micro-code, Toshiba would need to prepare a clean research environment. The company concluded that it was unlikely to win in a high-cost challenge by Intel before an American jury composed of ordinary citizens not professionals. Toshiba calculated, furthermore, that if it did develop a higher performance MPU, it would also need to develop peripheral technologies in order to replace Intel's MPU, and that it would be difficult to retain a group of experts for that purpose. In the end, Toshiba joined the TRON project. The decision by Mitsubishi Electric to join the TRON project was also strongly influenced by the state of MPU development at Japanese companies in the mid-1980s. In 1985 Mitsubishi was weighing three options: (1) to follow Intel by becoming a foundry if not a second-source (it had second-source rights from Intel up to 16-bit MPU), (2) to become a second-source for National Semiconductor, or (3) to focus on TRON. According to Takashi Kitaoka, director of Mitsubishi Electrics Research Institute (and later president and chief executive of the company) option (1) was not advisable because it was almost impossible to win an intellectual property rights suit in the U.S. without an original invention and option (2) did not appear promising. Hence, Mitsubishi joined in the TRON project. Initial Success of TRON Chips The TRON project gained momentum, as Japans largest MPU producers, Fujitsu, Hitachi, Mitsubishi Electric, and Toshiba, joined the consortium and undertook the development of TRON chips. Unlike MPUs used in the Wintel standard, TRON chips were intended to be independent of past software (no backward integration). Committed to IBM-compatible machines, Intel ensured that its new chips maintained compatibility with earlier chips (see Fig.2) . TRON chips aimed at a new architecture that had no such legacy. The initial 32-bit TRON chips were designed in anticipation of expansion to 64 bits, with an eye to the future computer society rather than compatibility with the past. NEC soon recognized the mismatch between its corporate objectives and those of the TRON project. It had signed up with TRON and produced the TRON/86 largely as a way to evade its legal problem with Intel. Its ultimate goal was not to make a TRON PC, but to develop a chip that was compatible with past software. In 1986 in order to secure a majority of the domestic market for its PC-9800, NEC adopted Intel MPUs and stepped aside from the TRON project. In 1989 NEC completely rebelled and joined the Wintel camp. Fujitsu, Hitachi, and Mitsubishi Electric, on the other hand, were most earnest in proceeding with the project to develop MPU and peripheral chips. These companies recognized that the MPUs needed to offer a certain level of scalability and that they could not compete against Intel by acting separately. Having experience working together during the MITI-led Super LSI project, in May 1987 they agreed with little difficulty to form a triad, with Mitsubishi joining Hitachi and Fujitsu, which had started joint development of HF32 in October 1986. The researchers were elated not only by the fact that TRON chips could be used by anyone, but also by the prospect of developing a promising technology in Japan. Their target MPU was called the G-Micro. Sakamura showed a conceptual design, while the engineers from the three companies jointly prepared detailed designs to ensure compatibility and scalability. They drew up a contract assigning to each participating company target areas for MPU development and production. Mitsubishi was assigned G-Micro 100 for possible consumer application. Hitachi was assigned G-Micro 200 for personal computers, and Fujitsu G-Micro 300 for possible industrial use. To produce TRON chips, Mitsubishi gathered about 100 staff members, with a core of 50-60 people who had been engaged in producing MPUs for office computer LSI within the research institute. (By comparison, Intel employed 200 staff to develop its chip and deployed two design teams.) The development of this first generation of TRON chips progressed smoothly from announcement of the G-Micro 200 in 1988 to the subsequent announcements of the G-Micro 100 and 300. What was really needed, however, was a TRON OS, or success in the BTRON project. BTRON and Collision with the U.S. over Personal Computers in Education How had the OS for TRON been developed? In February 1986, following the original plan prepared in March 1985, participants in the TRON project began to examine the interface specifications for a common OS which would maintain compatibility and scalability among the subprojects. The BTRON Technology Committee was set up in August 1986. BTRON is an OS developed to run TRON chips designed especially for PCs and workstations and is intended to make using a computer easy enough for anyone to master. BTRON had many advantages over the IBM-compatible PC and Macintosh operation systems. The PCs available in the mid-1980s were difficult to use and in particular they were not suited to process the Japanese language. GUI- (graphic-user interface) based Macintosh computers were user-friendly, but they also were not suited Japanese language processing. In February 1989, eleven Japanese software developers established the BTRON Software Group. Far from being a single-mission, profit-oriented venture such as Microsoft, this OS promotion base was a non-profit consortium that took the form of a loosely connected social gathering. As early as March 1989, Matsushita Electric came to play the role of core member because it had impressed the others by completing a working prototype of an educational PC based on the BTRON standard. PCs using BTRON were initially designed for educational purposes in order to demonstrate TRONs ease-of-use. This was part of Sakamuras careful strategy to establish the TRON OS as a de facto standard. Japans Center for Educational Computing (CEC) planned to introduce BTRON OS-based PCs to schools under the direction of the government. Modeled after the U.S. government's program to purchase prototype equipment in order to promote technological development, the CEC was established in July 1986 as a judicial person under joint control of the Ministry of Education and MITI to promote R&D and dissemination of educational computing. This quasi-governmental organization was expected to function as what Shapiro and Varian (1999) call a pivotal user. According to Shapiro and Varian as a large and pivotal user of certain new technology, government plays a significant role in establishing de facto standards. The U.S. government foiled this careful Japanese plan to establish a standard to rival Wintel. The U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) threatened the TRON project on the grounds that Japan would further close its market by developing its own OS and chips and disseminating them in the education market. In the fall of 1988, the USTR suggested that the fact that TRON PCs were usable only in Japan might indicate that the Japanese computer market was closed, and threatened to invoke Super-301 of the Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988. Until 1988 the U.S. had negotiated over alleged unfair trade practices for separate industries. However, Section 301 provided for "specifying the countries for priority negotiation and discriminatory retaliation. In April 1989, the USTR presented to Congress a report on barriers to foreign trade as a basis for selecting countries and sectors to target. The report touched on TRON as well as rice, semiconductors, and telecommunications equipment, which had been criticized for excessive government regulation. TRON was eventually removed from the list of items targeted by Super-301 after the USTR inspection team visited the TRON Association in May 1989 and the Association insisted that there was a misunderstanding on the part of the U.S. government. Even though Super-301 was not used, the incident made the Japanese chipmakers wither under the fear of being attacked at any moment, and the chance for the Japanese government to adopt TRON as the standard disappeared. Matsushita Electric, which was ahead of the others in developing TRON OS and had the potential to become Japans Microsoft, began to take a low profile to avoid possible retaliatory action, as it had a substantial business stake that might be targeted by Super-301. The other Japanese makers followed suit. This outcome was just what NEC, Microsoft, and the U.S. government had hoped for. The real concern of the United States had not been the technology itself but the fact that the Japanese electronic industry giants might adopt the TRON specification in their product standards. If this happened, TRON specifications could eventually become the worldwide industry standard. At about the same time, Microsoft developed its follow-on model, Windows3.0, and narrowly retained the lead over IBMs OS/2 (Eller and Edstrom 1998). Microsoft's stock price, which had been wallowing at low levels, took off with these incidents. In the US-Japan trade frictions in the 1980s, there was a clear contrast between the late comers who were eager to manufacture products and the forerunners who no longer manufacture any products. The U.S. government strengthened the intellectual property rights with the request of the U.S. companies, which tried to deter the keen competition from their Japanese counterparts. Furthermore, network externalities gave a special advantage for the forerunners in the PC-centric development of IT industries through de facto standards. It was Kindlebergers fear that there is risk of market failure in the sense of failure to achieve the international public goods of world standards in the absence of a hegemonic power (Kindleberger, 1983). He indicated that in adavancing the public good the coercive power of the government is involved. Accordingly, the fear of the U. S. government was that Japanese government would compel all the powerful electronics manufacturing companies in Japan to adopt TRON chips and OS. A Paradigm Change in the ITC Industry The background for todays trade friction between Korea and Japan and that between the U.S and Japan in the 1980s is different. Among other things, a paradigm shift from the PC-centric development to the ubiquitous information society in the same ITC industry is important in the sense that the network externalities were very strong in the latter case. I will review the shift in the following section. The End of PC-centric Development of the ITC Industry While the burst of the IT bubble in 2000 was the beginning of the end of the PC-centric era in the ITC industry, Lenovos acquisition of IBMs PC division in 2004 really announced the end. Professor Patterson, an inventor of RISC chips, says this is at least a paradigm shift of computers from the cost-performance paradigm to the security and reliance paradigm. This may be the beginning of the end of Wintel or Intels MPU and Microsofts OS. The progress of PC technology has been governed by the Moores Law for more than two decades. The famous law says that the amount of computing power available at a given price doubles every 18 months. However, recent development shows signs that the Moores Law will not be applicable for the future. As an example, Intel has failed to deliver new chips according to the pace that Intel followed up until it launched Pentium 3. Furthermore, Pentium 4 was introduced , following AMDs Athlon 4 (Figure 5). IBM, Sony and Toshibas announcements demonstrated an alternative architecture for microprocessors by introducing the cell chip with nine cores architecture in 2005. The chip contains eight processing units that can work simultaneously on different tasks and will run at a speed of 4 gigahertz, at least ten times faster than the best chips available at the moment. They claim that if Intels microprocessor has been for the age of PCs, cell chips are for the age of Internet. But there will not be a breakthrough in the ITC industry if the functions of MPU remain the same. Therefore, new chips should give incentives to introduce new types of terminals and devices. Sony uses cell as an engine for its new generation of computer-game console, the PlayStation 3 and IBM installs it in its high-performance workstations. Thus, the features of the Figure 5 Progress in Clock Cycles of Pentium and Athlon  SHAPE \* MERGEFORMAT  (Sources) Pamphlets of Intel and AMD new devices show that single microprocessors are giving way to a new, multi-core design. This allows chips to run more efficiently, using less power and generating less heat. In addition to finding a home in a vast array of electronic devices, they claim that it eventually will challenge Intels dominance of chips that run PCs. Thus, Sony, IBM and Toshiba at least demonstrated a capacity to be industrys spearheads for a new age, as I discussed in the role of strategic components. Intel also announced that it would produce two core microprocessors, Celleon, for both servers and notebook PCs and claims that the Moores Law would continue to exist, if two cores are integrated into the same size of chip. While the PlayStation is likely to remain an important part of the digital home electronics devices, much more is expected of the new chip than just powering new versions of a video game and workstations. Toshiba plans to put the chip in a high-definition television. If cell chips are installed in such TVs, one can select and exchange TV programs from thousands of programs available on an online basis. Toshiba announced it will adopt Celleon for its new generation DVD players in addition to its own Cell. Other PC manufacturers aim for the convergence of home electronics devices and traditional PCs. Eventually, mobile phones and other hand-held devices could feature it too. The emergence of a microprocessor with new architecture is maybe a sign of the beginning of the ubiquitous information society Advent of Ubiquitous Information Society In the age of network- and multiterminal-centered development of IT technology, information nodes will spread over diversified networks and terminals with specialized computing functions. The MPUs for those diversified terminals should have more energy efficiency as well as more economic efficiency than the PC-centered one. Furthermore, the ubiquitous society can not be fulfilled only by a new type of microprocessors, but by various key components such as new types of displays, new types of batteries, new types of input and output devices and new accesses to communication networks (Figure 6). Home electronics devices, ITS terminals in addition to personal computers are components of the third tier of a five tier information society image in Fig.6. Wearable computers in the fourth tier and IC tags in the fifth tier are just in the test market stages, but the third tier has become reality. When Mr. Sakamura advocated the ubiquitous computer, these devices and networks were not available. Although Japan lost the war in personal computers, Japanese incumbent electronics companies which have produced cost-conscious home electronics have been considered as competent to fill demand as they are good at these features. Some expect that with the emergence of the ubiquitous information age, the new frontier in the ITC industry is believed to be digital home electronics. However, the size of the home electronics markets has been expanding phenomenally in recent years .The aggregated market size of digital home electronics products currently counts for only about 60% of mobile terminals and 40% Figure. 6 Expanding Info-Nodes and their Factor Technologies (Source) Y. Arai Toward 21st century (2): Information Technology (1999) of personal computers. Furthermore, the consumption of semiconductors by digital home electronics is far smaller than that by PCs, despite the fact that usage of 34 million transistors in digital TV is fairly comparable with the size of 42 million transistors in the personal computer MPU. Now that Internet terminals have appeared on the market, Japanese and Asian electronics manufactures are able to compete in the formation of de facto standards on the strength of their expertise in home appliances. But as the number of interfaces for information machines expands, establishing de facto standards through competition is becoming inadequate, and the need to establish de jure standards through international cooperation has been realized again. Thus, this position was taken by Nokia and Motorola in the case of mobile networks and the EU's ability to set standards has been drawing renewed attention. In order to lead in these areas Japanese electronics manufacturers have to produce strategic components massively in addition to developing some new concepts. But Korea leads Japan in the production of the strategic components related to ubiquitous information terminals, especially memories and displays (see Table 1). In summary the change of the new frontier in the ITC industry has brought a gradual power shift in the geo-economy from the US to the East Asian region, since the producers of digital home electronics are concentrated in this region. So have the frictions moved to East Asia. While the trade friction in the 1980s was between Japan and the U. S., that of today is between China and the U. S. In the 1980s the Japanese electronics industry, especially in the semiconductor sector, had serious trade frictions with the U. S. But today, the frictions seem to have moved to those between Japan and South Korea Skirmishes between Japan and Korea in the First Decade of the 2000s Why did Korean electronics manufactures ascend so suddenly when the ubiquitous information society has only just emerged? What kind of strategy have they adopted? A sharp cost cutting by Korean electronics manufacturers based on follow-on innovations is now exploiting the market taken by the traditional Japanese manufacturers by adopting what I call the management of strategic components. Trade Skirmishes in the Digital Age As I described before, Fujitsu has some ten essential patents for manufacturing plasma panels with vivid and colorful vision, having accumulated more than 800 patents granted both in the U. S. and Japan. Thus, Fujitsu collects royalties from Japanese manufacturers, but not from the Korean makers, Samsung SDI and LG Electronics. Although Fujitsu has been asking them to pay royalties since 2002, when Korean makers entered into manufacturing plasma panels, they claimed they needed a negotiation process for a possible cross-licensing agreement. They admitted that they utilize almost all of the essential Fujitsu patents, but they claimed some are substituted by their own technologies. In other words, Korean manufacturers never yield to pay royalties, claiming their patents are as valuable as the ones Fujitsu has. During that process, they had scaled up their production so as to increase market shares before they reached agreements. Confirming Fujitsus patents are valid in the U.S. Fujitsu brought suits against both Samsung SDI and LG Electronics in April, 2004. Fujitsu also asked Japans Tariff Office to stop the import of their products. These actions prompted the process of settlement. Within two months of the above actions, Fujitsu was able to conclude licensing agreements in which Korean makers pay far more royalties to Fujitsu. Facing almost the same situation as Fujitsu, Matsushita Electric followed suit in bringing an import suspension case to the Tariff Office regarding to the plasma display of LG Electronics. LG Electronics filed a counter-suit at Seoul, claiming that Matsushita infringed its patents. Toshiba also suited Hynix Semiconductor for the infringement of the patents in flash memories in November, 2004 (Table 2). Although Toshiba was an inventor of flash memory, it lagged to Intel which began to produce it as the NOR method. When Toshiba started to produce the NAND method flash memory, Toshiba licensed out to Samsung, but not Hynix Semiconductor. The cases listed in Table 2 were settled in favor of Japanese plaintiffs during 2004 and early 2005. That shows that at least Japanese manufactures hold basic patents in these areas. The promptness of the court procedure may minimize the loss due to infringements by bringing Table 2 Some Cases of IP Rights Frictions in Digital Products Who Sue Whom?ContentsDates of ActionFujitsu vs. Samsung SDIPatent Suit on Plasma DisplayApril, 2004Sharp vs. TEC Electric (Taiwan)Import Suspension of LCD TVJune, 2004Sony vs. Eastman Kodak (U.S.)Patent Suit on Digital CameraMar., 2004Matsushita vs. LG ElectronicsImport Suspension of Plasma DisplayNov., 2004Toshiba vs. HynixPatent Suit on Flash MemoryApril, 2004Nikon vs. ASML (Holland)Patent Suit on Stepper TechnologyDec., 2001(Sources) Nikkei telecom and others defendants to the negotiation table and deter further infringement. In the case of Matsushita-LG Electronics, keen competition with LCD players has prompted the settlement. But Japanese manufactures as plaintiffs had lost market share to the defenders during the process of court negotiations. Investigating intervals between the introduction of an innovation and competitive entry since the industrial revolution, Agarwal=Gort (2001) found the interval has been persistently accelerated to shorten it. The dissemination process further accelerated in the age of digitalization and modularity because rapid obsolescence makes speed in providing the latest model so critical in such an environment. Perhaps, the ASML case in Table 2 should be included in the cases of directly affected by the modularity in the sense that ASML as an architecture innovator in Fig. 3 uses extensive use of outside R&D and manufacturing to serve new markets such as Korean, Taiwan and China. In other word ASML is not a producer of strategic or key components, leaving such a role to Carl Zeiss which is supplying lens devices for ASML. Other than ASML in Table 2, the examples are related to patents in strategic or key components. Reverse engineering and learning has become easier than before. The Korean economy is well situated to take an advantage of this. The universities put more emphasis on current technologies and companies concentrate on a few items. This enhances an absorbing capability substantially. They can, therefore, collectively produce more follow-on type patents in a short time as the negotiation between Fujitsu and Samsung indicates. Korean companies succeeded in earning time to hold the negotiation and in increasing market shares during that period. For example, Korean plasma manufactures got the momentum to increase the market share from 5% when the negotiation started to 37% at the end of 2004. Japanese Companies Responses to Korean Offensive Actions Teece (1986) conclude that a predecessor does not necessarily have an advantage over late comers, and asserted that appropriability should be protected by appropriate manufacturing timing. Levin et al.(1987) also made the same assertion that manufacturing is the key because appropriability is not kept by the patent system. Romer (1993) claims that while the law for the protection of nonrival goods works reasonably well, the appropriability for nonrival goods is difficult to keep by the laws. The case of Wintel was rather an exceptional case for this, as it was governed by the network externalities for the necessity of backward integration (Takahashi and Namiki, 2003). Although the U. S. plaintiffs were no longer manufacturers in the 1980s, Japanese plaintiffs are all still committed to manufacture products with their own patents. However, the very fact that Japanese companies are bringing patent suits is a sign of the decline in Japans manufacturing power. Japanese manufacturers today are not well prepared for the modularity and are organized poorly to make products in the age of the digital economy, compared with Korean and other Asian counterparts. Faced with offensive actions by Korean companies Japanese companies retreated from competition in the global markets. Fujitsu decided to sell its interest in the joint-venture, Fujitsu-Hitachi Plasma Panel, which in turn kept the basic patents of Fujitsu, and Fujitsu withdrew from the production of plasma panels. Pioneer decided to stop the expansion plan for its plasma plant. Fujitsu sold its LCD business to Sharp in 2005. It was Fujitsu that sold its technologies for LCD to Samsung through the licensing agreement in 1995. After it got into the OEM agreement with Hyundai Electronics in 1996, Toshiba lost in competition with Korea and Taiwan and decided to sell its interest to a jointventure with Matsushita, which in turn concentrates on smaller items of LCD, avoiding a collision in the large-size end which is dominated by Korean and Taiwan makers. To cope with Korean offensives in ever scaling up in LCD production, some companies tried to form a consortium to concentrate production. For example, Hitachi established IPS Alpha Technology with Toshiba and Matsushita to start the production of large-size LCDs in 2007, having the IPS patents for a wider angle LCD panels. Sharp takes another strategy. Sharp has differentiated itself from Korean makers and other Japanese electronics companies in the sense that it shifted its focus from the production technologies to development of products. Running against the trend toward modularity, Sharp pursues closed architecture products, concentrating its resources in LDC. Sharp has kept its positions in such niche markets as TV and cellar phones using LCD panels. Sharp integrates its organization vertically to keep its manufacturing know-how and trades secrets. Korean companies march into the global markets showing the flag of the digital age. The moves of Japanese companies are very slow although they have altered their organizations to cope with the international competition. To catch up the pace, Sony entered into the joint-program with Samsung Electronics to produce LCD panels for TVs on a massive scale. Japan Shoots Itself in the Foot In early 2005 the District Court of Tokyo judged that there was a infringement of Matsushitas patent on the icon to reach the help mode adopted in the word processor software, Ichitaro, which was made by Just System. Just System is considered as the only software company in Japan. Matsushita claims that the icon was invented and applied for as a patent in 1989, when the company was engaged in developing the TRON business computer. During the upsurge of the pro-patent mode in the 1980s in the United States, the U.S. jury system was instrumental in protecting small ventures as the jury usually showed sympathy to these ventures. The jury regarded patent suits by incumbents as the big guys attack on the little guys. Japanese electronics and pharmaceutical companies were victims of this system. Japan therefore introduced a straightforward intellectual property court without juries. Furthermore, the IP division of a big corporation is requested to make money by best utilizing idle patents, as IBM and others do. The IP division of Matsushita simply followed in the same footsteps and won the suit. While this case has many common features to the GUI (graphic user interface) war between Apple and Microsoft in 1995, it is different in that Japan in 2002 came to allow software patents to protect broad intellectual property rights instead of the copyright system, which was applied in the U. S. case. In 1985, Apple and Microsoft entered into a secret agreement, in which Apple granted Microsoft a license to use the windows and icons in the development of version 1.0 of Windows in exchange for the platform that Microsoft would develop for it. Therefore, Microsoft had the right to use the icon and window technologies, at least for the time-being. On the other hand Just System did not enter a cross-licensing agreement with Matsushita, as Just System could not accumulate enough software patents up until recently to cancel out the patent pool that the counterpart had. Thus, the newly introduced law set new ventures in a tough position vis--vis the incumbents which usually enter into cross-licensing agreements. Just System thought the technology had been known for many years. Just System has installed the icon since 1996, while Matsushitas right became effective in 1998. Thus, it is safely said that the widely used technology was protected by the recently established patent right. This was very much different from the Apples case that took a lot of time to be settled since Apple took action in 1988. Time run against Apple, and Apple finally lost the suit against Microsoft for the infringement of copy right for a GUI like icon in 1995 on the ground that the original contract was effective to transfer the element of GUI, i.e. the icon and for other reasons. Among other things, the application of the scenes faire doctrine was important in the Apple case. Due to the functional purpose of a GUI, the constraints of the hardware and the limited number of ways to express certain ideas, the scenes faire doctrine further limits copyright protection. When features of a program are indispensable or at least standard, in the treatment of a given idea, they are treated as if they were in fact ideas. Furthermore, the expression of these ideas is only protected from virtually identical copying. While Matsushita no longer uses the icon, the suit against Just System seems to send Japans only software company to the wall. The case of Matsushita vs. Just System indicates that Japans strengthened IP rights has shot itself in the foot. Some Discussions and Conclusions The balance between intellectual property rights (IPR) and the application of anti-monopoly policy is a kind of art. The system should promote knowledge origination by rewarding knowledge originators by giving monopolistic powers over originated goods for a certain period, while giving some concessions to the rights of late comers. However, the IPR may bring a monopoly distortion going beyond the tradeoff between an incentive for creation and monopoly, either if the predecessor is protected by network externalities or if IPR is too strong. The two high-tech trade frictions over some thirty years seem to have different implications against the different backgrounds. (1)Proper IPR Framework Japan strengthened its intellectual property rights system in the 1990s, pursuing the good to be a country of intellectual property. But Japans expansion of the IPR seems just to follow in the U. S. foot steps. This does not necessarily well fit to the situation in Japan because the social structures are different. For example, in the 1980s when the U.S. economy was in trouble and US-Japan trade friction was severe, the U. S. Supreme Court opened the route for the progress of technology by rejecting the plaintiffs assertion that a home video manufacturer, Sony, infringed the copyrights in TV programs. If the decision was otherwise, such home electronics devices such as video recorders and DVD recorders would not have survived. Romer (2002) also supports articulately the priority of technological progress to copyrights. He goes as far as saying that even if file-sharing will reduce revenue for the music industry and thereby reduce the variety of musical recordings, this need not cause a net reduction in consumer welfare if those who produce such good music are rewarded properly as in the Shavell=Ypersele (2001) design. The court decision of Matsushita vs. Just System is clearly a reflection of the deficit in Japans system in the sense that the Japanese courts do not have a free hand as in the U. S. to balance technological progress and copyrights if the laws stipulate the details. The balance between breakthrough and follow-on innovation should be kept by the hand of the anti-monopoly laws and their agencies, because there is no law that gives equality to breakthrough and follow-on innovations. However, their application has to be based on something like Gestalt psychology in the sense that it depends on the background. It takes two forms, cyclical and structural ones. When the domestic economy goes well, the government is able to apply the anti-trust laws to an entity like Wintel, as was the case of the U.S. government in the 1990s. It is often, however, rooted in the global economic structure, associated with international disputes because there is a kind of division of labor between the frontier science economies and catch-up economies. Although the catch-up economies tend to strengthen the role of follow-up while the developed economies favor the breakthrough, the governments of the catching-up economies accept the balanced approach so as to foster infant industries or to invite foreign direct investments for making a leapfrogging advance (Takahashi, 1997). (2) The Role of Government and the Anti-monopoly Laws Both the TRON project in Japan and the DRAM project in Korea had been organized in accordance with Romers (1993) recommendations for generic research. Each was initiated by industry and involved collective private-sector-government action. The participants in the project regarded OS source code or process technologies as a club good, and they tried to produce profits from them. However, Japans TRON did not survive, while the process technologies of DRAM gave the momentum the Korean electronics industry needed to produce the strategic components massively. Probably the weak Korean currency, won, after the Asian financial crises has contributed to keeping up the momentum (Takahashi and Kang, 2002). When the US industry was in a difficult condition vis--vis foreign competition, the USTR came to the fore to take care of the domestic players. In the 1980s when the U.S. economy was sluggish, the U.S. government got involved in helping American corporations to establish de facto standards and even stopped the TRON attempt. Sakamura remarked that the U.S. government defeated him as far as TRON was concerned. Thus, the digital economy had become an American success story. So goes the refrain: Dont mess with success. However, once the monopolistic position was established by Wintel, the U.S. Department of Justice brought suit against Microsoft and Intel during the 1990s, which aimed to break Wintels capacity to control the path of development by excluding new entrants. In the 1990s the need to develop diverse technologies prompted competition among de facto standards. In this case, the government question regarding the unchecked sideways expansion of Wintel, leveraging on the success of strategic components in the PC area, was that it might stifle innovation in other information technologies. This action by the government is just the opposite to that taken in the previous case. What brought Japan to an inferior position in the global market is considered to be what is called an over-competition in which too many players compete with each other in developing and producing basically the same things. Because too many players had been competing, Fujitsu was compelled to sell its LCD technologies to Samsung Electronics in 1995 and finally to sell its business to Sharp in 2005. The Japanese government encouraged, behind the scenes, Matsushita and Toshiba to join the Hitachi camp in the production of LCD. This is very much different from the U. S. governments attitude towards Wintel after the US economy was restored. While the concern of the US government has been monopolization, that of the Japanese government is over-competition. (3) Network Externalities The network externalities play very different roles in the trade frictions in the 1980s and those in the first decade of the 2000s. In the US-Japan trade friction in the 1980s the network externalities were very strong. The failure of TRONs assault on Wintel might be attributed to the fact that the IT industry has followed a PC-centric development path, while TRON developed on diverse fronts Furthermore, Wintel maintained momentum due to its emphasis on compatibility with past models to preserve the value of sunk investment in software, while the diverse technologies that TRON encompassed inhibited it from building enough momentum to establish the advantage of compatibility with the future path. Therefore, Wintel has established a monopolistic position due to the path-dependent nature of innovation, especially that due to network externalities. Therefore, the blame should be placed on the Japanese government for choosing to avoid a confrontation with the U.S. government without offering alternatives to the Japanese people and industries. At the time, the government did not have an adequate concept of the importance of computer architecture or fully comprehend the significance of de facto standards. Sakamura seems to have been too optimistic about the development speed of other technologies in such areas as consumer electronics and communications and to have ignored the inertia of keeping PC users in the Wintel camp. In contrast to the TRON and Wintel case, the network externalities of certain standards are weak in the recently developed digital electronics products, not like the data in the computers that required a strong backward compatibility. In other words, there is no dominant network so far. Therefore, there are many possibilities to cooperate in the region. As a step towards establishing a standard network for home electronics devices, the digital home working group (DHWG) was formed to include both the old league of computer makers and home electronics makers including Samsung and Lenovo and many Japanese players. The league of Mobile Industry Processor Interface (MIPI) has gathered momentum to standardize the mobile processor. Samsung Electronics, LG Electronics, and Pentech, which are ranked among the world-top ten producers, joined as important members of a 35 member group, including Intel, Motorola and Toshiba, to add to the original four members of Nokia, Texas Instruments, SI Microelectronics and Arm. Furthermore, Korea, China and Japan agreed to launch a common standard for the fourth generation mobile phone. Conclusions The trade friction today happened because the catching-up competitors have accumulated their knowledge by pursuing follow-on innovation. While Korean companies produce on a big scale focusing on a few items, their Japanese counterparts still try to maintain a broad line of products, and their components, within their hands. Thus, keen competition in this region has made Japanese corporations adopt the appropriate organization structures. But there are still chances for cooperation, as seen in that between Samung and Sony. Neither intellectual property rights nor anti-monopoly laws are any longer the monopoly of developed economies. While the intellectual property law is mandated for WTO membership, the introduction of anti-monopoly law in the countries with weak property rights should deserve special concern (Carlton, forthcoming). However, many East Asian countries have either adopted or are about to adopt anti-monopoly laws. Thus, in the extreme opposite case, the developing countries like China can apply anti-monopoly laws to foreign subsidiaries, if the government judges that foreign subsidiaries have transferred technologies fully to the domestic entities. While the US intellectual property rights and anti-trust laws formulated during the trade frictions in the 1980s have established a global standard for the innovation system, trade frictions in this region will hammer out the shape of new anti-monopoly laws in relation to intellectual property rights. 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(1986) Profiting from Technological Innovation: Implications for Integration, Collaboration, Licensing and Public Policy Research Policy 15 pp. 285-305. PAGE  PAGE 33  When IBM adopted MS-DOS in 1981, Bill Gates was still not confident of its performance. Kazuhiko Nishi, a vice president at Microsoft at that time, reports that he persuaded Gates to pursue, albeit reluctantly, a market-penetration first strategy.  The Ministry of International Trade and Industry was responsible for patents and the Ministry of Education was responsible for copyrights (Sakai, 1994).  The resulting law was unusual because a high-ranking U.S. government official had to endorse to the U.S.  Interview with Takejiro Kobayashi, Senior Advisor, Mitsubishi Electric and a leading figure in the semiconductor industry in Japan.  Interview with anonymous officer at NEC.  Interview with Yoichi Unno, Director, Toshiba Microelectronics Research Institute.  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Nippon Keizai Shimbun, Sept. 21, 1999.  Researchers at Fujitsu had a somewhat different thought as they expected more important roles of Unix and RISC chips, or of workstations to stop downsizing.  Hitachi announced the successful development of the second generation G-Micro 500 (66MH, 130MIPS) in 1993. Toshiba, which had behaved as a maverick in the project, developed the TX2, a low power consumption TRON chip for portable equipment. The GMICRO-500 showed better performance than the first Pentium which as released about the same time (Sakamura 1998).  Interview with Akira Matsutame, Director, Association of Personal Media Technology Development. According to Matsutame the BTRON OS had at least seven advantages over Microsofts. Easier language processing. It can process other languages and even text mixed with Chinese characters. It can handle Braille and two Asian languages simultaneously. "Real" and "imaginary" icons express complicated data easily. For instance, when a station icon and a museum icon appear in a map on the computer screen, a double-click of the mouse on the station icon would extract the train schedule, fares, and the transfer guide. Likewise, a double-click of the mouse on the museum icon would show a list indicating the exhibit on each floor. The hypertext structure on which real and imaginary icons are based was utilized later in the Internet's World Wide Web. 3.Real-time multiple tasking, which was not possible until the Windows-95 version of Microsofts operating system  Some observers argue that the TRON Association was in fact a disguised MITI project, not the purely private-sector organization that Sakamura insisted it was. They believe that MITI pulled stings and recommended to the CEC specifications that fit TRON.  Sakamura heard from the press that the USTR included TRON in its report because it believed that the Japanese government's assistance to the TRON project would unduly benefit Japanese companies. He said in a harsh tone, "It's a complete misunderstanding!"(cited by Asahi Kagaku)  Interview with Kazuaki Mayumi who promoted the TRON project at Matsushita. He recalled, "Super-301 had a tremendous impact. Until then a go-go mood prevailed." Mayumi was a group manager at Matsushita Electric's central laboratory when the TRON Council was established. He then became head of the System Development Center of Matsushita Electronic Industry.  C&C Award acceptance speech of delivered on Feb.26, 2005 in Tokyo.  IBM, Sun and Hewlett-Packard already produce high-end computers that use multi-core chips. But no competitor has yet produced a chip as cheap, powerful and versatile as the new Cell chip  We recognize that Silicon valley has shown its resilient power in the new age by introducing new devices in home electronics such as iPod from Apple and personal video recorders from Tievo and Replay Networks.  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